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  <guid>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2013-08-12/clash-20</guid>
  <link>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2013-08-12/clash-20?amp=true</link>
  <title>The Clash at 20</title>
  <pubDate>Mon, 12 Aug 2013 04:00:00 -0400</pubDate>
    <author>Gideon Rose</author>
  <description>The origins of “The Clash of Civilizations?” lie in the conjunction of a special scholar and a special time. By the beginning of the 1990s, Samuel P. Huntington was already one of the most important social scientists of the second half of the twentieth century, having authored major works in every subfield of political science. The hallmarks of his efforts were big questions, strong answers, independent thought, and clear expression. The end of the Cold War, meanwhile, had ushered in a new era of international relations along with a host of questions about what would drive it. Drawn, as always, to the major practical and theoretical questions of the day, Huntington set himself the task of limning this new world.
The more he thought about it, the more he decided that most existing analyses were heading in the wrong direction. The future was not likely to be an easy run toward democracy, peace, and harmonious convergence, nor was it likely to be a return to the old games of traditional great-power politics or ideological rivalry. “The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural,” he concluded; “the clash of civilizations will dominate...</description>
  <content:encoded><![CDATA[ <p>The origins of “The Clash of Civilizations?” lie in the conjunction of a special scholar and a special time. By the beginning of the 1990s, Samuel P. Huntington was already one of the most important social scientists of the second half of the twentieth century, having authored major works in every subfield of political science. The hallmarks of his efforts were big questions, strong answers, independent thought, and clear expression. The end of the Cold War, meanwhile, had ushered in a new era of international relations along with a host of questions about what would drive it. Drawn, as always, to the major practical and theoretical questions of the day, Huntington set himself the task of limning this new world.</p> <br/> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2013-08-12/clash-20">Read More</a>]]></content:encoded>
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  <guid>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2018-11-29/climate-shocks-and-humanitarian-crises</guid>
  <link>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2018-11-29/climate-shocks-and-humanitarian-crises?amp=true</link>
  <title>Climate Shocks and Humanitarian Crises</title>
  <pubDate>Thu, 29 Nov 2018 00:00:00 -0500</pubDate>
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    <author>Joshua Busby and Nina von Uexkull</author>
  <description>Which countries are most at risk from climate-related instability and humanitarian crises in the coming years?</description>
  <content:encoded><![CDATA[ <p>Wildfires in the western United States and hurricanes on the East Coast captured media attention this summer and fall. But throughout 2018, weather events also had devastating humanitarian consequences in developing countries, from immense floods in the Indian state of Kerala to an intense drought in Afghanistan that affected millions.</p>
<p>Over the past decade, academics and policymakers have vigorously debated the question of whether <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2018-06-14/warming-world">climate change</a> poses a security threat, with particular emphasis on whether it causes internal conflict. Connections are complex, leaving policymakers to talk about climate change vaguely as a “threat multiplier” when combined with other forces. But saying that climate change is a threat multiplier isn’t all that helpful unless we know something about the characteristics that make countries more likely to experience instability.</p> <br/> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2018-11-29/climate-shocks-and-humanitarian-crises">Read More</a>]]></content:encoded>
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  <guid>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/americas/2018-08-13/can-mexico-be-saved</guid>
  <link>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/americas/2018-08-13/can-mexico-be-saved?amp=true</link>
  <title>Can Mexico Be Saved?</title>
  <pubDate>Mon, 13 Aug 2018 23:00:00 -0400</pubDate>
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    <author>Denise Dresser</author>
  <description>Andrés Manuel López Obrador&#039;s promise to shake up the status quo propelled him to success in Mexico&#039;s presidential election. But whether AMLO&#039;s leadership will bring about inclusive, forward-looking reforms or a turn backward to dominant-party rule and increased presidential power remains unclear. </description>
  <content:encoded><![CDATA[ <p>In 2012, Mexico’s future looked promising. The election of a dashing young president, <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/interviews/2013-12-06/pact-progress" target="_blank">Enrique Peña Nieto</a>, imbued the country with a new sense of energy and purpose. Back in power after a 12-year hiatus, the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/americas/2012-06-06/old-guard-new-mexico" target="_blank">PRI</a>, had promised to reinvent itself and shun the corrupt authoritarianism it had practiced during the seven decades it ruled Mexico. As the country seemed to reach a consensus on long-delayed structural reforms, the international press heralded <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jan/09/mexico-moment-reforms-enrique-pena-nieto" target="_blank">“the Mexican moment.”</a> According to <a href="http://content.time.com/time/covers/pacific/0,16641,20140224,00.html" target="_blank">the cover of <em>Time</em> magazine</a>, Peña Nieto was “saving Mexico” by opening up the energy sector to foreign investment, combating monopolies, changing archaic labor laws, and leaving nationalism and crony capitalism in the past. </p> <br/> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/americas/2018-08-13/can-mexico-be-saved">Read More</a>]]></content:encoded>
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  <guid>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2018-11-29/foreign-policy-all</guid>
  <link>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2018-11-29/foreign-policy-all?amp=true</link>
  <title>A Foreign Policy for All</title>
  <pubDate>Thu, 29 Nov 2018 00:00:00 -0500</pubDate>
      <media:content url="https://files.foreignaffairs.com/styles/large-alt/s3/images/articles/2018/11/27/warren.jpg?itok=0xocONx-" type="image/jpeg" expression="full" width="2097" height="3000"></media:content>
    <author>Elizabeth Warren</author>
  <description>Elizabeth Warren, U.S. Senator from Massachusetts, outlines her vision for a foreign policy that works for all Americans. </description>
  <content:encoded><![CDATA[ <p>Around the world, democracy is under assault. Authoritarian governments are gaining power, and right-wing demagogues are gaining strength. Movements toward openness and pluralism have stalled. Inequality is growing, transforming rule by the people into rule by wealthy elites. And here in the United States, many Americans seem to accept—even embrace—the politics of division and resentment.</p> <br/> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2018-11-29/foreign-policy-all">Read More</a>]]></content:encoded>
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  <guid>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2018-11-30/pope-francis-and-catholic-crisis</guid>
  <link>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2018-11-30/pope-francis-and-catholic-crisis?amp=true</link>
  <title>Pope Francis and the Catholic Crisis</title>
  <pubDate>Fri, 30 Nov 2018 00:00:00 -0500</pubDate>
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    <author>Massimo Faggioli</author>
  <description>In his Foreign Affairs piece diagnosing the recent divide within the Catholic Church, R. R. Reno reveals a profound shift in the way the minority of U.S. Catholics who oppose Pope Francis portray him and his predecessors.</description>
  <content:encoded><![CDATA[ <p>In diagnosing the recent divide within the Catholic Church, R. R. Reno (“<a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2018-11-13/populist-wave-hits-catholic-church">The Populist Wave Hits the Catholic Church</a>,” November 13) reveals a profound shift in the way the minority of U.S. Catholics who oppose Pope Francis portray him and his predecessors.</p>
<p>Responding to my recent <em>Foreign Affairs</em> article (“<a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2018-10-11/catholic-churchs-biggest-crisis-reformation">The Catholic Church’s Biggest Crisis Since the Reformation</a>,” October 11), Reno casts the Francis pontificate as “deregulatory,” and in line with “a secular ruling establishment.” At the same time, he offers a somewhat skeptical reassessment of Pope John Paul II, who was until recently regarded as a hero among conservative Catholics, especially in the United States. Reno fails to make important conceptual distinctions, and he levels unfair accusations at Pope Francis and his allies. Nevertheless, his argument furnishes a valuable example of just how radicalized the conservative traditionalist movement within U.S. Catholicism has become.</p> <br/> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/world/2018-11-30/pope-francis-and-catholic-crisis">Read More</a>]]></content:encoded>
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  <guid>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/libya/2018-11-30/libya-finally-ready-peace</guid>
  <link>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/libya/2018-11-30/libya-finally-ready-peace?amp=true</link>
  <title>Is Libya Finally Ready for Peace?</title>
  <pubDate>Fri, 30 Nov 2018 00:00:00 -0500</pubDate>
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    <author>Frederic Wehrey and Jalel Harchaoui</author>
  <description>Recent developments in Libya offer, for the first time in years, reason for guarded optimism about the country&#039;s future.</description>
  <content:encoded><![CDATA[ <p>Pity Libyans for the pageantry of their <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/france/2018-10-31/how-france-and-italys-rivalry-hurting-libya">international summits</a>. Over the years, at palaces, resorts, and hotels across several continents, the country’s factional leaders have met, shepherded by earnest-looking Western ministers and heads of state. Action plans are laid out and deadlines set. The participants emerge with verbal promises of consensus, a photo op, sometimes even a hug. Meanwhile, back in Libya citizens languish under warring militias, economic misery, and aloof elites. Invariably, after each summit, vows pronounced in remote locales disintegrate on contact with these more proximate realities.</p> <br/> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/libya/2018-11-30/libya-finally-ready-peace">Read More</a>]]></content:encoded>
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  <guid>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/afghanistan/2018-11-28/talibans-battle-plan</guid>
  <link>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/afghanistan/2018-11-28/talibans-battle-plan?amp=true</link>
  <title>The Taliban’s Battle Plan</title>
  <pubDate>Wed, 28 Nov 2018 00:00:00 -0500</pubDate>
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    <author>Michael Semple</author>
  <description>The Taliban, emboldened after recent victories, expect the United States to withdraw from Afghanistan by 2020 and hope to wait out peace negotiation efforts until then. Yet this strategy is unlikely to succeed. </description>
  <content:encoded><![CDATA[ <p>Zalmay Khalilzad, the United States’ envoy for Afghan reconciliation, has breathed new life into attempts to conduct peace talks between the Afghan government and the <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/afghanistan/2018-09-07/taliban-prepared-make-peace" target="_blank">Taliban</a>. Having met with Taliban representatives in Qatar and lobbied leaders in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Khalilzad now says he is “<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/reuters/2018/11/18/world/asia/18reuters-us-afghanistan-taliban.html" target="_blank">cautiously optimistic</a>” about reaching a peace deal by April of next year.</p>
<p>Yet as far as Taliban leaders are concerned, the group has little reason to commit to a peace process: it is on a winning streak. The Taliban control key Afghan highways and are conducting targeted assassinations across the country. They have made important territorial gains and now have complete or partial control over some 250 of about 400 districts.</p> <br/> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/afghanistan/2018-11-28/talibans-battle-plan">Read More</a>]]></content:encoded>
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  <guid>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/spain/2018-11-14/spain-digs-its-past</guid>
  <link>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/spain/2018-11-14/spain-digs-its-past?amp=true</link>
  <title>Spain Digs Up Its Past</title>
  <pubDate>Wed, 14 Nov 2018 00:00:00 -0500</pubDate>
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    <author>Sebastiaan Faber</author>
  <description>The Spanish government&#039;s plans to exhume the country&#039;s former dictator Francisco Franco from the Valley of the Fallen has caused a fierce debate over the dictator&#039;s legacy and the politics of memory. </description>
  <content:encoded><![CDATA[ <p>“Our top story tonight: Generalissimo Francisco Franco is still dead.” Chevy Chase’s <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=axByUFSa7N8" target="_blank">running gag</a> on <em>Saturday Night Live </em>in the 1970s remains curiously relevant four decades on. Franco, Spain’s longtime military dictator, is still dead—and he continues to be a top story, as a dispute over his final resting place unearths old fissures in Spain’s national consciousness.</p>
<p>Upon his death in 1975, Franco was buried in a monumental tomb in the so-called Valley of the Fallen, a war memorial about an hour’s drive from Madrid. There, the dictator lies below a towering 450-foot stone cross, in a subterranean basilica hewn almost 900 feet into a mountainside. The monument is an unsettlingly bombastic reminder of Spain’s troubled past and a pilgrimage site for Franco’s admirers to this day.</p> <br/> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/spain/2018-11-14/spain-digs-its-past">Read More</a>]]></content:encoded>
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  <guid>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2018-11-07/how-congress-can-take-back-foreign-policy</guid>
  <link>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2018-11-07/how-congress-can-take-back-foreign-policy?amp=true</link>
  <title>How Congress Can Take Back Foreign Policy</title>
  <pubDate>Wed, 07 Nov 2018 00:00:00 -0500</pubDate>
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    <author>Brian McKeon and Caroline Tess</author>
  <description>Democrats have won the House of Representatives. Here&#039;s what they should do next.</description>
  <content:encoded><![CDATA[ <p>On January 3, 2019, U.S. President Donald Trump will face a new reality: a chamber of Congress <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/06/us/politics/midterm-elections-results.html?action=click&amp;module=Spotlight&amp;pgtype=Homepage">controlled by the opposition party</a>. Confronting a hostile Democratic House of Representatives will be a rude awakening for a president who chafes at any limits on his authority. For the first two years of his presidency, Trump experienced little resistance from the Republican-controlled Congress as he sought to disrupt the established international order. Republicans largely stood by as Trump withdrew from vital international agreements, embraced autocrats while giving allies the cold shoulder, used Twitter to threaten friends and foes alike, and discarded democracy and human rights as core values of U.S. foreign policy.</p> <br/> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2018-11-07/how-congress-can-take-back-foreign-policy">Read More</a>]]></content:encoded>
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  <guid>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/india/2018-11-23/triumph-hindu-majoritarianism</guid>
  <link>https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/india/2018-11-23/triumph-hindu-majoritarianism?amp=true</link>
  <title>The Triumph of Hindu Majoritarianism</title>
  <pubDate>Fri, 23 Nov 2018 00:00:00 -0500</pubDate>
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    <author>Kanchan Chandra</author>
  <description>Hindu nationalism has conquered India. The only debate now is over what form it should take.</description>
  <content:encoded><![CDATA[ <p>In August, former Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/16/obituaries/atal-bihari-vajpayee-dead.html">died</a> at the age of 93. India’s first prime minister from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Vajpayee is often held up as an exemplar of moderate Hindu nationalism, especially in contrast to the current prime minister, <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/india/2017-03-30/who-narendra-modi">Narendra Modi</a>, who espouses a more strident ideology. Vajpayee’s obituaries have been written as obituaries not only of the man but also of that ideological moderation.</p> <br/> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/india/2018-11-23/triumph-hindu-majoritarianism">Read More</a>]]></content:encoded>
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